Nsaw patriclans are dispersed and the number of their component lineages varies widely from three to twenty-two. In the latter case some of the lineages are only three generations in depth, in so far as descent is traced back to the first man who was granted the title of she or fai; a parent lineage front which others have hived off may be ten generations in depth. In some of the large patriclans there may be two or three afai who are almost equal in status, although in matters of etiquette the seniority of one is recognized. In this case each fai is the head of a lineage from which several other lineages have stemmed off, and so may be regarded as head of a sub-clan. Social relations tend to be frequent and intimate among members of a sub-clan, though, in the absence of geographical propinquity ties may weaken.¹ In theory, the sub-clan head may demand a gift of firewood from the heads of the component lineages; in theory, he has a voice in the selection of their appointment to office; and he would, in any case, be present at their installation. From time to time the lineages assemble for sacrifice (tati fe tangri ntangri); and, in times of disaster or the death of the clan head, the heads of all component lineages would participate in a joint ritual.

Once a man is appointed a fai (or a she) his personal name is no longer used except by his superiors in rank.² He is a talaa, father of the compound, to all its members irrespective of age and generation. He has the right to call on all his dependants for assistance in the clearing and cultivation of his farm (shu-sum), and in bridge and house construction. He inherits, with minor exceptions, the raffia and kola trees planted by male members, as well as such types of property as livestock (sheep, goats and fowls), clothes, guns and money. He arranges the marriages of all women of the lineage, with the exception of the first born; he receives the major part of the gifts made by their husbands, and has first claim on their services.³ He acts as intermediary between the living and the ancestors; and, finally, he settles minor disputes. Despite the spread of Christianity, greater mobility of population, and opportunities for the attainment of a large measure of economic independence in the pursuit of new and relatively lucrative occupations, the authority of a lineage head over his dependants is still considerable. One of the main factors in this is his control of land, but full discussion of the subject must be deferred until a later chapter.

Before we touch on the rights and responsibilities of kinship heads in other Bamenda groups, attention should be drawn to the strength of ties with maternal kin among the Nsaw. There is much visiting among matrikin and joint participation in ceremonies connected with birth, marriage, death, and the various societies. The individual is believed to come under the influence of the ancestors of his or her mother; and, in consultation with a diviner,

¹ A Kimbaw man in discussing the closeness of ties between a sub-lineage in Kimbaw and a parent lineage in Memfu said: "If he (a man) goes and sees a thing in Memfu, he then takes and eats (it). If a man from Memfu comes to Ka (i.e. the compound of that name in Kimbaw), he sees something, he then takes and cats it, because it is a thing of that which is one (that is, the sub-clan)."

Wu du yeen kifa e Mmfu (Memfu),wu nin li a yii. Wir o fee Mmfu wi e Ka, wu yeen kifa, wunin li a yii, bifeeee ki dzën kifa ke sho ke mo'øng.

² Character and not seniority in age is the main criterion for the office of lineage head in Nsaw. If there are no male members in a lineage, a man may be selected from another lineage in the same clan; or, more rarely, the firstborn son of a woman of the lineage may be appointed, though I was given no actual instance of this. If none of the males has yet reached puberty, a woman of the lineage may be appointed to act temporarily as lineage head until one of the boys has attained adolescent status. I was also told that, in the absence of suitable candidates, the son of an unmarried woman of the lineage might succeed to the office.

³ When a fai dies his widows are inherited by his successor; but if a man who is not a fai or a she, that is, a wir o feeteer, dies the widows are allocated by the lineage head to male members of the compound, usually to the deceased's brothers.

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sacrifices may be offered to them in the event of sickness or misfortune. Again, when a man succeeds to the position of fai or she, he not only goes ceremonially to the head of his own clan or sub-clan, but also to the head of his mother's lineage, whom he refers to as tar-yewor (father of our mother). He takes with him salt, oil, fowls and firewood, the last a symbol of submission. The tar-yewøsh then performs a special sacrifice (tshu melu) and invokes the blessing of the ancestors. On occasion, sacrifices are also offered to the ancestors of the patrilineages of the mother's mother and even of the mother's mother's mother. The officiant priest is always the head of the lineage involved, while the fai, on whose behalf the sacrifice is to be performed, presents the fowl, sheep or goat required for the rite.

Finally, a man has rights of usufruct in land belonging to the mother's lineage; he receives assistance from her kin and may be sure of a welcome and hospitality when visiting them.¹ As one youth explained to me: "People of your mother know how to look after you more than those of your father. Perhaps it is because they are going to take a child of a woman from there (that is, a child of a woman of their own lineage) to give away in marriage."² This last statement is probably a rationalization, since in most patrilineal tribes of Bamenda ties with maternal kin are very close and, as a rule, friendly. But it serves to draw attention to a custom which distinguishes Nsaw from the rest of the Tikar peoples. A lineage head has the privilege of arranging the marriage of a first-born daughter of any female member of the lineage; he also has a major part of the marriage gifts, and first claim on the services of the husband selected for the girl. In the case of the Føn and Vibai, this privilege is extended to grand-daughters and other descendants, and illustrates the way in which rank influences kinship affiliation in Nsaw.

All descendants of the Føn down to the fourth generation are referred to in general usage as wønto or children of the palace, but exact generation level may be indicated by prefixing to this the term for child, wan. Thus a great-grandchild would be described as wanwanwanto. The Føn gives away in marriage not only his own daughters and grand-daughters, but also the first-born among his great-grand-daughters and his great-great-grand-daughters. At the fifth generation his descendants are called duiy, a word probably derived from the verb, du, to go and indicating a more distant relationship.³ A first-born son of any man or woman, who is at six generations remove from the Føn, may be taken as a servant (nshilaf), and a first-born daughter as a wife for the Føn.

All those related to the Føn by the ties discussed above are referred to as wiri e Føn and may be regarded as a limited kinship group consisting, firstly, of all agnatic descendants of a Føn; and, secondly, of all other cognates of a Føn down to the sixth generation. Often a son or son's son of the Føn is granted the title of she or fai, and he may become the founder of a lineage within the Føn's patriclan or even of a sub-clan, as in the case of the ancestor of the

¹ When a youth spears his first game, he takes the animal to his fai, who tells him to take it to the tar-yewøf (that is, the father of the mother of the boy). He is instructed to hand over the next game he kills to his own father; and, on a third occasion, to hand game over to the mother's mother's father.

² The Lamnso text is: Wir ye-wøn a ki mo lei fee wo shaa vee tar-øng. G??ansemosi bo dzë bifa a yii li wan o wiiy fo fo bo djuur.

³ Among wir duiy distinctions may be made on the basis of closeness of relationship to the Fan. An individual who is at 5 or 6 generations remove from a Fan may be described as duiy-nto (duiy of the palace) or duiy-shinggwang (duiy of the salt), that is one who in time of need begs salt and other necessaries from the Føn. One who is more distantly related may he described as duiy-kikeengi, that is duiy of the plant emblem of the Føn which is carried by his messengers. A relative, who has "gone far" and who no longer wishes to recognize a kinship tie with the Fan, is referred to as duiy-meenkingi, a duiy who turned his face away. He is a strong head (taf kitu)" attempting to achieve m'tar status.

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councillor, Fai-o-Yuwar, who was a son of a Føn who reigned at Kovifem in the early days of Nsaw settlement. In addition to those lineages which trace direct agnatic descent from a Føn, there are the sub-clans of three of the senior councillors, Ndzendzef, Tankum and Luun, whose ancestors came from other tribes but who elected to become affiliated to the Føn's own clan and assumed the status of wir duiy.

Some of the other important vibai are the heads of m'tar clans but, whether they are duiy or m'tar, vibai have privileges similar to those exercised by the Føn in the matter of marriage. A kibai selects husbands not only for his own daughters but also for the first-born among his grand-daughters and great grand-daughters. He has also the right to inherit the property of a first-born daughter's son and that of the first-born son of any grand-child. At the fifth descending generation he may take a first-born daughter as wife, and a first-born son as a servant (nshilaf).¹

As may be inferred, Nsaw kinship is complex and I hope to deal with it in greater detail in a later publication; but, before we leave it, attention should again be drawn to the fact that, although the lineage organization is patrilineal and although a wider range of contacts and activities is influenced by patrilineal affiliations, in some situations an individual places particular emphasis on his tie with his mother's patrilineage and acts as a corporate member of it. If he is a son of the Føn, he frequently goes to reside, after marriage, with his mother's father. If he is related to the Føn or to a kibai through his mother, then he is brought up in his father's compound and regards himself as a member of his father's lineage, having with its others members residential, economic and religious relations. But, in times of hardship or financial emergency, he may beg assistance from the Føn or the kibai, as the case may be; and, if he quarrels with his own fai, he may repudiate his patrilineal connections and assert that he is only a wir duiy or a wan kibai. This fluidity of kinship affiliation is to some extent reflected in linguistic usage where the term kføø has a wide range of meanings and may apply to such groups as the family, kindred, or lineages or clans of the father, mother, father's mother or mother's mother. If an exact distinction is sought it may be qualified in the following ways: kføø ye laf - group of the house, i.e. elementary family; kføø ye laa - group of the compound, i.e. co-resident patrilineage; kføø ye ku'un - great group, usually the clan of the father, but sometimes that of the father's mother or mother, where either is politically and socially more important than the former. In the case of a man descended through his mother's mother from the Føn or a kibai, her lineage may be referred to as kføø ye ku'un; but, where this is not so, the mother's mother's lineage is spoken of as ram (a term which is also used for a runner from a plant), and kinship relation is unlikely to be recognized in the succeeding generation except in the case of a fai or she.
(b) Kinship Organization in other Bamenda Tribes. In the other patrilineal Tikar tribes (where I had only a brief stay), the kinship system appears to be similar in many respects to that of Nsaw in so far as the lineage head (usually referred to by a term equivalent to Lamnso Talaa (Father of the Compound) allocates land and inherits the property of his male dependants, particularly

1 In 1946, I attempted to make a census of the Føn's wives and counted 84. To this should he added at least another 10 who carried water for his household and whom I did not see. Among the 84 there were 15 who had not reached puberty and who were referred to as wøn wiinto (children of a Føn's wife). They were being trained to become wives of the Føn, and their marriage would not be consummated until several years after they had menstruated. Among the adults, whom I personally questioned, 23 were daughters of nshilafsi; 2 were daughters of atanto (also of nshilaf status), and 10 were grand-daughters of duiy. The remainder had either been given by sub-chiefs or else voluntarily by men of m'tar status. Incidentally, only those wønto (sons of the Føn) whose mothers are m'tar are eligible for the office of Føn. The same qualification is also necessary for other dignitaries of royal status, such as the High Priest, High Priestess and Queen Mother.

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livestock, money and such trees as kola, raffia, mangoes, and oil palm where these are cultivated.¹ In return, however, he is expected to assist them in procuring wives, but it is he who arranges the marriages of all women of the lineage and claims a major share of the marriage payment. In Ndop and Bafut, the Føn has the right to take a first-born daughter of any family not closely related to his own as a wife.² As in Nsaw, a woman is not consulted about the marriage of her daughter, but in Bamessi the consent of the mother's mother is important; she is treated with great respect, and may demand some assistance from her grand-daughter's husband. Again, in this community (as well as in Bangola and Bamungo), when the mother of a lineage head (tieenda) dies, he appoints either a sister or a daughter to act in her stead as the "great mother", and to perform minor sacrifices which do not entail the offering of a fowl. Finally, as in all Bamenda tribes, he is the intermediary between his dependants and the lineal ancestors; indeed his function as priest is one of the main sanctions for his secular authority and an important factor in the cohesion of the lineage.

Among the Mbembe, Mfumte, Ngie, Ngwo, Esimbi, and possibly some of the other Widekum peoples, the lineage organization provides the framework of the political structure. Clans tend to be localized and, as a rule, most of the lineages in any one village are segments of the patriclan of the village head. In the Mbembe villages which I visited, -namely, Akonkaw, Mbandi, Jevi, Ako and Akwadja, there were from three to five major patrilineages (ndu) named after their founders: e.g. Zafiya (people of Afiya), Zienka (people of Nka), and so on. One lineage is senior to the others and its lineage head (afa) acts as village head. It is said that patriclans were once exogamous, but nowadays intermarriage is permitted between members of some of the component lineages.³ Each major lineage has under its control a tract of arable land which is allocated to individuals by the lineage head; in addition it is associated with a locality in the village. Most of the compounds established in such an area are occupied by men and unmarried women who are members of the lineage, though from time to time residence is changed if there has been illness or misfortune. Each compound (yapëre) has its compound head (ngwuriku) who has under his authority his younger brothers and sons. Traditionally he had a claim to their services and earnings; but, in return, was expected to assist them with their marriage payments. However, in the Government Report of 1935, it was stated that the pattern of economic cooperation was being modified⁴ and, when I visited the region in 1945, the evidence I collected indicated a growing desire on the part of the younger men to have full control of such resources as palm bush.

¹ Titles, corresponding to the Lamnso term, talaa, are telaa (Wiya); tufu (Bamungo); tifo (Bamessing).

² Among the Tikar, as well as the Bali, the Føn has the right to take as a wife a female twin, unless she is closely related to him. Twins are regarded as a blessing from God and the term for them is often " Children of God." It is also noteworthy that in all the Tikar tribes, with the possible exception of Nsungli, Fungom and Mbem, the Føn has a right to a share of the marriage payment on the first-born among his grand-daughters and, in some cases, the first-born among his great-grand-daughters.

³ In Akonkaw village I was told that a man might not marry a woman belonging to a major patrilineage of his mother; while in Mbandi the restriction applied only to the minor patrilineage of the mother. In most Mbembe villages there is a lineage called kepinthëre or kupinsiri, the head of which has important ritual functions. He was described to me as a "medicine man"; and, to Mr. R. Newton, as one who in times of epidemics or droughts prepared a special "medicine" to sprinkle on the roads leading to the village. Members of kepinthëre may marry individuals belonging to any of the other lineages.

Vide, R. Newton, An Intelligence Report on Mbembe and Nchanti Areas of the Bamenda Division, 1935, paras. 277-279.

⁴ R. Newton, op. cit., para. 225.

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The lineage organization of Ngie, Ngwo, Esimbi, and probably of the rest of the Widekum group, appears to be basically similar to that of Mbembe. For instance, in the Ngie village of Teze, where I spent a month, most of the people, apart from some women who have married into the village from outside, are members of the patriclan of the founder and are known collectively as "children of Uføømbøiy," bungë, Uføømbøiy, or sometimes as the "children" of his son, Andjoføiy. There are five major lineages (also named after their founders) which, according to genealogies collected from lineage heads, are only from three to six generations in depth. Obviously some ancestral names have been forgotten; while the names of others are recalled only after a considerable amount of head-scratching, contradiction, and requests for assistance from the Village Head! Fission has occurred in all the lineages, and the head of a minor segment either bears the tide of lineage head, kum, or is referred to as an "important man of the lineage" wva'eku. The title for village head was originally kum; he was primus inter pares, and was assisted in the direction of village affairs and the settlement of cases by the heads of other lineages. Nowadays he often calls himself a Føn in imitation of Tikar chiefs, but he is indeed a Føn fainéant

A lineage head acts as mentor to his dependants, performs sacrifices, and has a right to a portion of the larger game caught by them. But he has little in the way of economic privileges, as compared with his Tikar counterpart; and, in matters of marriage, he is consulted but has neither the final voice nor a lien on the marriage payment, though he may be given a sheep or a goat. It is noteworthy that in most of the Widekum group a woman has the right to veto the marriage of her daughter; and a suitor therefore usually makes sure of her consent before he approaches her husband. Marriage may occur within the clan, the exogamous unit being a lineage some three to four generations in depth.

Among the matrilineal groups - Kom, Aghem, and five villages in the Fungom N.A - the matrilineage is rarely a co-residential unit, since many men elect to reside after marriage with their father, an affine or a friend. The lineage head has ritual and advisory functions; and, among the Kom and Fungom, he usually has a tract of residential and arable land under his control, which he allocates among kin and those strangers who approach him with a request for a plot. He has no rights, in virtue of his office, over the property of members of his lineage.

The term for matrilineage in all three groups is very similar and derives from the word for buttocks and that for house, and may be translated as "buttocks of the house". As one man explained to me: "all people come out from there!" In Kom it is sa'ëndo or sassëndo; in Aghem, seeh'ëndugu; and in Fungom Village, sasseendee. In theory, the matriclan is the exogamous unit, but marriages sometimes occur when the parties belong to different lineages in different villages and are unable to trace a genealogical relationship. As a rule, a man in Kom obtains financial assistance from his own father for the marriage payment; but, if this is not forthcoming or if he is a younger son, he seeks the help of a mother's brother.¹ When his own daughter marries, a large part of the marriage payment is handed over to him; another portion is given by the groom to the girl's mother, who in turn divides some of it among her mother, sisters, brothers, and mother's brothers. If a lineage head happens to be own brother or own mother's brother he receives his cut; otherwise he must be content with any gift which the groom makes to him as a matter of expediency and courtesy.

¹ In Aghem and Fungom villages a man looks first to his mother's brother or, failing him, to an elder brother for assistance.

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