Ethnographics Gallery University of Kent

Turkish Village

Copyright 1965, 1994 Paul Stirling. All rights reserved.

Paul Stirling
CHAPTER FIVE

THE HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY

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Page 97


by the existence of direct private sources of income for membes of his household. Independent incomes may lead to friction over the disposal of them, and in a few cases make it possible for a recalcitrant son to survive independently, without his share of the household food supply (p. 103). Nevertheless, what s remarkable is not the division and disputes, but the fact that normally sons and younger brothers hand over to their fathers or elder brothers a large share of their earnings and both sides are apparently content. The tradition that the household shares its resources seems so far to survive in the new and less appropriate situation.

In another way, new economic factors have altered the traditional picture of the household economy. The regular market for grain, and the possibility of earning reasonable wages have combined to give the wealthiest village households incomes in good years well beyond normal expenses. In 1952, much of this was going into housing and into more splendid weddings. By 1955, it was said in Sakaltutan that villagers had opened bank accounts. Two young migrants had houses of unprecedented luxury for the village, and one of them had invested in a lorry. But the problem remained unsolved. If in a modern economic and political context a villager achieves wealth beyond his immediate needs, what can he do with it? Village society and the village heritage of knowledge and experience offer no solution.


Maintained by Michael D. Fischer
M.D.Fischer@ukc.ac.uk

Updated Thursday, April 13, 1995

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